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OTTAWA — Age restrictions on using social media accounts and AI chatbots are among the topics up for debate when Liberal party grassroots gather next month for their national convention.
There are 24 different policy resolutions that are on the agenda when party rank-and-file meet in Montreal for their convention April 9 through 11.
Two of them try to tackle ongoing concerns about the impact of social media and artificial intelligence on children and youth.
One resolution from Quebec calls for anyone under the age of 16 to be banned from accessing “all AI chatbots and other potentially harmful forms of AI interaction,” such as ChatGPT.
“These technologies have been shown to limit desire for interaction with peers, pushed some young people into sexual conversations and have even recommended suicide to vulnerable youth,” states the resolution, which is contained in a package published on the Liberal party website.
Another calls for a law similar to one Australia passed late last year that would set a “minimum age of 16 for creating social media accounts” and put the onus on companies that run the platforms to “prevent underage users from holding accounts.”
It also calls for creating a digital safety body that would “monitor compliance, conduct audits, issue notices, and apply penalties” as a way to combat issues Canadian youth face online, such as cyberbullying, extortion and dealing with reams of hateful online content.
Prime Minister Mark Carney said earlier this month that an “age of majority” for social media is part of the discussion as the government develops new online harms legislation. But he also said he has not made up his mind if Canada should follow Australia’s lead and ban social media for children.
“I think this is something that merits an open and considered debate in Canada,” he said, responding to a question from a reporter during a news conference in Tokyo on March 6.
Carney said there are arguments on both sides and more information emerging about how such bans work.
Other pitches on the table for debate at the Liberal convention including duelling proposals on reforming the electoral system — something former prime minister Justin Trudeau campaigned on in 2015 but ultimately abandoned.
One resolution proposes requiring a candidate up for election to receive at least 50 per cent plus one vote to win, which could be achieved through ranked ballots or run-off systems.
The other promotes setting up a citizens’ assembly to design the “most suitable form of proportional representation” for Canada. Those systems typically distribute at least some portion of the seats available based on the share of the popular vote.
A third resolution that touches on the topic would commit to exploring whether to introduce proportional representation.
Sharon Sommerville, one of the co-authors of the 2014 resolution on electoral reform that went on to become Liberal party policy, said there was “significant disappointment” among advocates when Trudeau abandoned his promise.
A leader campaigning on reform then abandoning the position poses a real challenge for advocates to surmount, she said.
“In terms of the institution of the party, there’s not a lot you can do about it because these resolutions aren’t binding, but it brings the conversation back to the table again and that’s a good thing,” she said.
But she said the three different resolutions on the issue suggests the “grassroots really wants to have this conversation about electoral reform, so let’s start talking about it.”
Carney has said he is open to the idea but it is not a priority given the current geopolitical climate.
Another major resolution put forward by Liberals from British Columbia proposes the federal government invoke disallowance to veto the use of the notwithstanding clause in instances where provinces use it to bypass Charter rights before their law has been tested in court.
Provinces have in recent years been on a tear pre-empting the courts by invoking the notwithstanding clause right off the bat in legislation. Last year, Alberta employed the notwithstanding clause to order teachers back to work, even before the law was challenged in court.
The most prominent example remains Quebec’s contentious secularism law, Bill 21, which bans public sector workers such as teachers from wearing religious symbols at work. That law is currently under the Supreme Court’s microscope.
While disallowance has been used more than a hundred times since Confederation, it is largely a forgotten power in modern politics. The last time it was put into use by the federal government was 1943.
Even though party resolutions are not binding, the idea is controversial enough that Justice Minister Sean Fraser is already distancing himself from the notion the government might dust it off.
Fraser told reporters Tuesday he has “no intention” of invoking disallowance to kibosh provincial laws.
“I don’t think it would be a helpful thing for the federation for me to comment or consider using the disallowance power,” Fraser said.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 24, 2026.
— With files from Anja Karadeglija
Kyle Duggan, The Canadian Press
